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Ethan Hein
A Study of
Clapping
on the
Backbeat
In 1993, the blues musician Taj Mahal gave a
solo concert at the Modernes Club in Bremen,
Germany. The concert was later released as the
album An Evening of Acoustic Music. Taj
begins to play "Blues with a Feeling," and the
audience enthusiastically claps along.
However, they do so on beats one and three,
not two and four like they are supposed to. Taj
immediately stops playing and says, "Wait,
wait, wait. Wait wait. This is schvartze [black]
music... zwei and fier, one TWO three FOUR,
okay?" He resumes the song, and the audience
continues to clap on the wrong beats. So he
stops again. "No, no, no, no. Everybody's like,
ONE, two, THREE, no no no. Classical music,
yes. Mozart, Chopin, okay? Tchaikovsky, right?
Vladimir Horowitz. ONE two THREE. But
schvartze music, one TWO three FOUR, okay?"
He starts yet again, and finally the audience
claps along correctly.
Research question
To what degree do people know
that they are supposed to clap on
the backbeat along with the
blues and music like it? Does
musical training or practice
correlate with knowledge of the
backbeat clapping convention?
Hypothesis
Clapping on the backbeat of
dance-oriented 4/4 rhythms
strongly correlates with musical
training and experience in music
of the African diaspora: jazz,
rock, blues, funk, R&B, hip-hop
and related styles. Clapping on
the backbeat correlates weakly
with training and experience in
other musical idioms.
Musical and rhythmic behavior in
humans creates “a temporal
framework, collective emotionality,
a feeling of shared experience, and
cohesiveness to group activities and
ritualistic ceremonies” (Bispham
2006). We see a shadow of music’s
ancestral purpose when an audience
claps in unison at a concert.
We use coordinated rhythmic movements both for literal physical mirroring and for
metaphorical mirroring, i.e. empathy. This socially mediated synchronization
explains why it matters to musicians which beats the audience claps on. Taj Mahal
found it distressing when his audience clapped wrong because it felt like a failure to
emotionally connect with them.
Group clapping helps to unify the
audience’s perception of the tactus,
the central pulse. Bodily movement
does not merely accompany
listening; it enhances our ability to
listen.
Syncopation is a crucial method of generating rhythmic suspense and drama.
We can consider rhythms to be “consonant” and “dissonant” depending on
their degree of metrical tension. Temperley (2010) defines syncopation as
rhythmic events that are improbable by the norms of classical common-practice
rhythm. Syncopation violates the usual rhythmic hierarchy, and "represents the
aspect of rhythmic complexity that does not relate to repetitiveness.” By this
measure, current popular music is extraordinarily rhythmically complex, even
though it may be simple harmonically and structurally (Temperley 1999).
We can determine the “metric salience” of each event in a rhythmic pattern by
“recursively breaking down a musical pattern (with an initially specified length)
into subpatterns of equal length.” The more subdivisions it takes to reach a
given event, the lower its metrical salience. In 4/4 time, the downbeat is the
most salient position, followed by beat three. It would seem natural to clap on
the strongest, most salient beat—indeed, this is what many untrained listeners
do. However, the Afro-Caribbean core of American popular/vernacular music
asks us to accent the less metrically salient backbeats instead.
Background on the backbeat
A backbeat rhythm places percussive accents on the weak beats, typically the
second and fourth beats in 4/4 time. Accented backbeats are most commonly
played on the snare drum, but can be performed on any instrument.
The backbeat originated in Dixieland jazz, country and gospel music. It has
since become ubiquitous throughout American and global popular music.
While accenting weak beats was a common device in American popular
music throughout the first half of the twentieth century, the term “backbeat”
did not enter common usage until the advent of rock and roll in the early
1950s—appropriately enough, since the backbeat is a foundational
component of rock.
The dominance of the backbeat is a significant factor in the broader Africanization
of American music. You can hear the vestiges of traditional West African music
that survived slavery in the percussion-heavy, improvisationally oriented and
shouted/chanted music on every pop radio station. Generally speaking, African
music is rhythmically complex and harmonically static, a neat inverse of Europe’s
harmonically rich but rhythmically unsophisticated tradition. American musical
history is largely shaped by the collision between these two musical cultures,
along with contributions from immigrant groups and international influences.
In spite of the backbeat's popularity, it is widely
misunderstood. The tangled history of America’s racial
and class politics may provide an explanation. The
backbeat originated in the music of marginalized groups:
African-Americans, poor rural whites, and immigrants.
Their music styles have been regarded throughout their
history to be disreputable, low-class, primitive and
barbaric, even perceived as undermining the moral fabric
of society entirely. Funk in particular threatens
Americans’ more puritanical instincts, due to its
associations with bodily functions and sexual odors.
Terms of praise among funk musicians include dirty, filthy,
raw, stanky and nasty. These bodily metaphors are
intrinsic to funk’s appeal, particularly its ability to inspire
audience participation and dancing, but a great many
Americans find them anxiety-producing, even threatening.
Furthermore, funk’s overt Afrocentrism provokes racial
anxieties that have only been heightened by hip-hop. The
jazz drummer Max Roach is quoted by Greenwald (2002):
"The thing that frightened people about hip-hop was that
they heard rhythm—rhythm for rhythm's sake."
As long as Americans devalue the
bodily intelligence represented by the
backbeat, they will naturally continue
to misunderstand and demean it.
McClary (1989) argues that it requires
greater skill and musicality to produce
the groove in a dance-oriented Earth,
Wind & Fire song than to generate
“the self-denying, ‘difficult’ rhythms"
in modern classical music. "One need
only observe professional classical
performers attempting to capture
anything approaching ‘swing’ (forget
about funk!) to appreciate how truly
difficult this apparently immediate
music is.” We may hope that backbeat-
based dance music will continue to
find the acceptance and understanding
that has thus far failed to match its
popularity.
Procedure
Participants filled out questionnaires
asking them to self-evaluate their degree of
sophistication with African diasporic music
and music generally. They then clapped to
a series of breakbeats representative of
contemporary dance music. The beats were
looped continuously in Ableton Live 8.
Participants were told to clap along in
whatever way they felt to make the most
musical sense. Their performances were
recorded via a Macbook Pro’s built-in
microphone into Live. The experimenter
stopped recording when the participant
was observed to be clapping in a stable
pattern. The drum loops were presented in
a mostly random order, with exception of
the the most complex break. This was
presented last, out of concern that
participants would be discouraged by it.
Methodology
The twenty-two study participants were
New York City residents between
twenty and forty years old, spanning a
broad variety of nationalities and
cultural backgrounds. Most had formal
musical experience and training, some
up to the professional level, but effort
was made to include non-musicians as
well. The stimuli were breakbeats
chosen on the basis of their familiarity to
even casual listeners of contemporary
backbeat-driven African diasporic
music. All are in 4/4 time at medium to
fast dance tempi. Their instrumentation
is limited to standard drum kit, except
for “Take Me to the Mardi Gras,” which
adds bells and found sounds. The
breakbeats are listed below in order of
increasing complexity.
Billie Jean
This breakbeat consists of the opening measures of a prominent single from
one of the most popular recordings in history, Michael Jackson's 1982 album
Thriller. Leon "Ndugu" Chancler's simple, powerful drumming combines
with an unusual drum recording technique to produce an instantly
recognizable sound. Nearly all participants identified the source of this beat
immediately.
Impeach the President
This two-bar drum pattern opens a little-known 1973 song by the Honey
Drippers. Despite the source recording’s obscurity, the breakbeat is one of
the most common samples in hip-hop. It has appeared in songs by Audio
Two, Eric B. and Rakim, Big Daddy Kane, Biz Markie, Slick Rick, Nice &
Smooth, De La Soul, Mary J. Blige, Digable Planets, Notorious B.I.G. and the
Wu-Tang Clan, among many others.
Take Me to the Mardi Gras
The opening to Bob James’ 1975 instrumental version of Paul Simon's song
"Take Me to the Mardi Gras" combines a funk beat, an agogô bell pattern
and some sampled radio chatter. This break is best known as the basis for
"Peter Piper" by Run-DMC, and has also been sampled by LL Cool J, the
Beastie Boys, Missy Elliott, Common and the Wu-Tang Clan. It is distinctive
in its blend of traditional Afro-Caribbean rhythm, American funk and
musique concréte.
The Funky Drummer
"The Funky Drummer Parts One and Two" by James Brown and the JBs,
recorded in 1969, was not well known until the first generation of hip-hop
producers discovered Clyde Stubblefield's drum break. In 1986, Polydor
released In The Jungle Groove, a compilation featuring the hard-edged,
open-ended grooves preferred by hip-hop listeners. It was the first album
release of "The Funky Drummer Parts One and Two‚" and also included a
sampling-friendly remix of the break, "Funky Drummer (Bonus Beat
Reprise)." The break has since appeared in uncountably many hip-hop,
dance, pop and rock songs.
Amen, Brother
There are few sounds more important to electronic dance music than
Gregory Cylvester Coleman's drum break in "Amen Brother" by the
Winstons, an obscure B-side to the minor hit "Color Him Father." Since the
Amen break began to appear in hip-hop songs in the early 1980s, it has
become ubiquitous throughout all styles of electronic dance music. In
particular, the beats in the Drum n Bass genre consist almost entirely of
reshuffled and altered versions of the Amen break. The break has crossed
over into the popular mainstream as well, even appearing in television
theme songs and commercials.
The questionnaires were adapted from Müllensiefen, D., Gingras, B., Stewart,
L. & Musil, J. (2011). The Goldsmiths Musical Sophistication Index (Gold-MSI):
Technical Report and Documentation v0.9. London: Goldsmiths, University of
London. Unless otherwise specified, question response choices were:
1. Completely Disagree
2. Strongly Disagree
3. Disagree
4. Neither Agree nor Disagree
5. Agree
6. Strongly Agree
7. Completely Agree
For the purposes of the questionnaire, African diasporic music includes but is
not limited to the following genres and their subgenres.
• Blues
• Gospel (spirituals)
• Jazz (ragtime, swing, bebop, free/avant-garde, fusion, Latin, bossa)
• Country (bluegrass, zydeco)
• R&B (doo-wop, soul, funk, disco)
• Rock (rockabilly, punk, indie, metal)
• Afro-Caribbean (son, rumba, salsa and merengue, calypso, soca, etc.)
• Reggae (ska, dub, dancehall)
• Electronic dance music (electro, house, techno, drum n bass, dubstep, etc.)
• Hip-Hop
1. I often listen to African diasporic music as a main
activity.
2. I consider one or more forms of African diasporic
music to be a central part of my identity.
3. Certain pieces of African diasporic music can send
shivers down my spine.
4. I use African diasporic music to calm myself when
I'm stressed.
5. I'm intrigued by musical styles I'm not familiar with
and want to find out more.
6. I generally tap or clap along when listening to
African diasporic music.
7. I think that African diasporic music is very important
for setting the atmosphere of an occasion.
8. I can compare and discuss differences between two
performances or versions of the same piece of African
diasporic music.
9. I can clap along to music in a group situation without
having to follow other people's lead.
10. I have been complimented for my talents as a musical
performer in one or more African diasporic styles.
11. I can tell when people sing or play out of time with
the beat.
12. The ability to play African diasporic music is a very
valuable skill.
13. I have no difficulty in distinguishing between African
diasporic musical genres.
14. African diasporic music is an addiction for me - I
couldn't live without it.
a. 0
b. 1
c. 2
d. 3
e. 4 – 5
f. 6 – 9
g. 10 or more
a. 0
b. ½
c. 1
d. 2
e. 3 – 5
f. 6 – 9
g. 10 or more
a. 0 - 15 minutes
b. 15 - 30 minutes
c. 30 - 60 minutes
d. 60 - 90 minutes
e. 2 hours
f. 2 - 3 hours
g. 4 hours or more
a. 0
b. 1
c. 2
d. 3
e. 4 – 6
f. 7 – 10
g. 11 or more
African Diasporic Musical Sophistication Assessment
15. I often read or search the internet for things related to
African diasporic music.
16. I often pick particular African diasporic music to motivate or
excite me.
17. I have engaged in regular daily practice of African diasporic
music on an instrument or vocally for this many years:
18. I have had formal training in an African diasporic style on
any instrument (including voice) for this many years:
19. I listen attentively to African diasporic music for this
amount of time per day:
20. I have attended this many live African diasporic music
events as an audience member in the past twelve months:
General Musical Sophistication Assessment
1. I often listen to any kind of music as a main activity.
2. I consider one or more forms of any kind of music
to be a central part of my identity.
3. Certain pieces of music can send shivers down my
spine.
4. I use any kind of music to calm myself when I'm
stressed.
5. If I hear two tones played one after another, I have
no trouble judging which of them is higher.
6. I generally tap or clap along when listening to any
music with a beat.
7. I think that music in general is very important for
setting the atmosphere of an occasion.
8. I can compare and discuss differences between two
performances or versions of the same piece of any
kind of music.
9. I can sing or play music from memory.
10. I have been complimented for my talents as a
musical performer in any style.
11. I can tell when people sing or play out of tune.
12. The ability to play any kind of music is a very
valuable skill.
13. I have no difficulty in distinguishing between
musical genres.
14. Music of any kind is an addiction for me - I couldn't
live without it.
15. I often read or search the internet for things related to
any kind of music.
16. I often pick particular music to motivate or excite me.
17. I have engaged in regular daily practice of any kind of
music on an instrument or vocally for this many years:
18. I have had formal training in any style of music on
any instrument (including voice) for this many years:
19. I listen attentively to any kind of music for this amount
of time per day:
20. I have attended this many live music events of any kind
as an audience member in the past twelve months:
a. 0
b. 1
c. 2
d. 3
e. 4 – 5
f. 6 – 9
g. 10 or more
a. 0
b. ½
c. 1
d. 2
e. 3 – 5
f. 6 – 9
g. 10 or more
a. 0 - 15 minutes
b. 15 - 30 minutes
c. 30 - 60 minutes
d. 60 - 90 minutes
e. 2 hours
f. 2 - 3 hours
g. 4 hours or more
a. 0
b. 1
c. 2
d. 3
e. 4 – 6
f. 7 – 10
g. 11 or more
Results
This image shows Take Me to the Mardi Gras and the first few recorded responses.
The top waveform is the stimulus. The tracks below show three participants
clapping on the backbeats, followed by one clapping on the strong beats.
Most participants interpreted the instructions to mean that they should
simply clap to the beat. A minority used more expressive and complex
clapping patterns, or settled into haphazard and idiosyncratic patterns. Two
participants’ results were not used, as their clapping did not ever settle into
distinguishable patterns.
The following five figures display aggregate clapping results for each
stimulus. The vertical axes show total number of claps recorded across all
participants.
The Funky Drummer
0!
2!
4!
6!
8!
10!
12!
14!
16!
18!
20!
1 + 2 + 3 + 4 +
Impeach the President
0!
2!
4!
6!
8!
10!
12!
14!
16!
18!
1 + 2 + 3 + 4 +
0!
2!
4!
6!
8!
10!
12!
14!
16!
18!
20!
1 + 2 + 3 + 4 +
Take Me to the Mardi Gras
The majority of
participants clapped
consistently on the
backbeats. Contrary to
expectation, the beat to
receive the next most
claps was not the
downbeat; rather, beat
three received slightly
more claps. This may
indicate a slight
preference for the
“hyper-backbeat,”
considering a measure
to be two bars of four.
Amen, Brother
0!
2!
4!
6!
8!
10!
12!
14!
16!
1 + 2 + 3 + 4 +
As expected, the Amen break
produced the most variation
in clapping patterns, since its
high degree of syncopation
tended to throw participants
off. Surprisingly, of the
remaining stimuli, Billie Jean
showed the most variation in
responses, in spite of its
simplicity. Several participants
reported being distracted by
the recording’s familiarity;
they said that they were
waiting for the bassline and
synthesizer stabs to enter, and
were attempting to clap to
those other patterns.
Billie Jean
0!
2!
4!
6!
8!
10!
12!
14!
16!
18!
1 + 2 + 3 + 4 +
Subject
number
African diasporic
musical sophistication
score
General musical
sophistication
score
Ratio of African
diasporic to general
sophistication
scores
Backbeat
clapping
score
7593 107 95 1.13 5
2423 105 99 1.06 10
3926 110 105 1.05 10
2524 58 57 1.02 10
6147 68 67 1.01 8
7767 77 76 1.01 6
2415 104 103 1.01 7
7098 105 107 0.98 10
849 89 92 0.97 9
7155 55 57 0.96 1
285 107 112 0.96 10
2683 106 111 0.95 3
5094 96 101 0.95 10
2982 100 107 0.93 10
675 105 117 0.90 10
4378 86 96 0.90 10
9876 87 99 0.88 6
5406 87 115 0.76 8
2630 49 95 0.52 1
5769 37 90 0.41 3
Mean 86.90 95.05 0.92 7.35
Standard
Deviation 22.33 17.80 0.17 3.20
This table shows participants’ musical sophistication and backbeat
clapping scores. We expected participants with the largest ratio of
African diasporic to general musical sophistication to have the
highest backbeat clapping scores. This was indeed largely the
case, though there was more variation than expected.
Subject
number
Ratio of African
diasporic musical
sophistication score to
backbeat clapping score
Ratio of general
musical
sophistication score
to backbeat clapping
score
7593 21.40 19.00
2423 10.50 9.90
3926 11.00 10.50
2524 5.80 5.70
6147 8.50 8.38
7767 12.83 12.67
2415 14.86 14.71
7098 10.50 10.70
849 9.89 10.22
7155 55.00 57.00
285 10.70 11.20
2683 35.33 37.00
5094 9.60 10.10
2982 10.00 10.70
675 10.50 11.70
4378 8.60 9.60
9876 14.50 16.50
5406 10.88 14.38
2630 49.00 95.00
5769 12.33 30.00
Mean 16.59 20.25
Standard
Deviation 13.64 21.35
A comparison of
participants’ musical
sophistication scores
to their backbeat
clapping scores shows
significant variation
from the mean. The
“noisiness” of the
results is most likely
the result of the
questionnaires’
intrinsic subjectivity.
African Diasporic Music Sophistication Score
vs Backbeat Clapping Score
General Music Sophistication Score
vs Backbeat Clapping Score
0!
1!
2!
3!
4!
5!
6!
7!
8!
9!
10!
0! 20! 40! 60! 80! 100! 120! 140!
Backbeatclappingscores!
Musical sophistication scores!
A graph showing lines of best fit through scatter plots of the compared musical
sophistication and backbeat clapping scores reveals an unambiguous positive
correlation between both African diasporic and general musical sophistication scores
and backbeat clapping scores. Furthermore, as expected, the correlation is stronger
for African diasporic musical sophistication than for general musical sophistication.
Discussion
Three participants gave particularly interesting results. Subject 2524 self-reported
the lowest general musical aptitude of any participant, yet clapped consistently
and strongly on the backbeat in all five trials. In an informal discussion after the
experiment had concluded, she described her upbringing in a black church in
Brooklyn. In this context, she experienced the backbeat as the only “natural” place
to clap. She expressed surprise upon learning that clapping on strong beats is
quite common. Indeed, in the course of the conversation, she consistently used the
term “off beat” to refer to beats one and three, which, while technically incorrect,
is a testament to the depth of her internalization of the backbeat tradition.
On the opposite side of the spectrum, subject 2630 clapped clearly and confidently
on the strong beats in all five trials, the only participant to do so. Tellingly, her
ratio of African diasporic to general musical sophistication was the second lowest
of any participant. Even though her general musical sophistication score was
almost precisely equal to the median, her African diasporic sophistication score
was among the lowest of all participants. In a conversation after the experiment,
the participant described her most significant participatory music experience,
childhood piano lessons in the western classical music idiom.
Finally, subject 5769 was an interesting outlier. He is an accomplished tabla player in
the Hindustani classical tradition, but he has had little exposure to Western music, and
is almost totally unfamiliar with African diasporic music. He was the only participant
to have encountered all five breakbeats for the first time during the experiment, and
his clapping choices were totally idiosyncratic:
• Billie Jean: “and” of two, “and” of four, i.e. the backbeats displaced half a beat.
• Impeach the President: “and” of two, “and” of three.
• Take Me to the Mardi Gras: a complex sixteenth-note pattern.
• The Funky Drummer: “and” of three, four, “and” of four.
• Amen, Brother: another complex sixteenth-note pattern.
It would be a fascinating
exercise to record him
improvising on the tabla
in reaction to these and
other breakbeats. In
addition to its
musicological value, it
would likely make an
enjoyable work of art.
Problems and challenges
The greatest limitation of the study lies in the method of quantifying musical
sophistication. This study likely understates the difference between the ratio of
African diasporic sophistication score to backbeat clapping score versus the ratio
of general musical sophistication score to backbeat score. African diasporic music
is a subset of music generally, not an oppositional category.
As mentioned in the Results section, the noisiness of the data is likely caused by
the participants’ subjective responses to the questionnaires. Reducing all of the
intricate complexities of a person’s musical knowledge and experience to a single
number is an inherently problematic undertaking. The Goldsmiths Musical
Sophistication Index is as good a tool as one could ask for, but it still suffers from
the vagaries of subjective self-evaluation. Respondents may overvalue or
undervalue their abilities; they may use more or less stringent value scales to
evaluate themselves; they may interpret questions and instructions in unexpected
ways. The Goldsmiths survey seeks to compensate for these problems by asking a
great many questions with as much precision of language as possible. However,
the Goldsmiths survey’s thoroughness poses a problem of its own, since filling it
out is quite time-consuming. The present experiment sacrifices a great deal of the
Goldsmiths survey’s nuance in favor of a more manageably brief questionnaire.
Directions for further research
The experiment did not strictly compare clapping on the backbeat to clapping
on the strong beats; rather, it compared both of these categories to clapping
on every eighth note, or every quarter note, or some other combination of
beats. It would perhaps have been better to instruct participants to clap out a
steady beat, rather than allowing them to clap in whatever manner they
chose. However, in the interest of including non-musicians, it was ultimately
decided to keep the instructions open-ended. It would be interesting to see
whether a study restricting participants to strong beats or backbeats only
would strengthen or weaken the present study’s findings.
Another intriguing line of research would be to test familiarity with other
customary clapping patterns, for example Afro-Cuban son clave. While this
pattern is not as familiar or ubiquitous as the backbeat, it is still a
foundational motif throughout African diasporic music. However, because
the pattern is more complex and subtle, it would likely be necessary to
restrict test subjects to musicians in order to obtain meaningful results.
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Perception 28. 1: 59-70.
References

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Clapping on the Backbeat: A Study of Audience Rhythmic Understanding

  • 1. Ethan Hein A Study of Clapping on the Backbeat
  • 2. In 1993, the blues musician Taj Mahal gave a solo concert at the Modernes Club in Bremen, Germany. The concert was later released as the album An Evening of Acoustic Music. Taj begins to play "Blues with a Feeling," and the audience enthusiastically claps along. However, they do so on beats one and three, not two and four like they are supposed to. Taj immediately stops playing and says, "Wait, wait, wait. Wait wait. This is schvartze [black] music... zwei and fier, one TWO three FOUR, okay?" He resumes the song, and the audience continues to clap on the wrong beats. So he stops again. "No, no, no, no. Everybody's like, ONE, two, THREE, no no no. Classical music, yes. Mozart, Chopin, okay? Tchaikovsky, right? Vladimir Horowitz. ONE two THREE. But schvartze music, one TWO three FOUR, okay?" He starts yet again, and finally the audience claps along correctly.
  • 3. Research question To what degree do people know that they are supposed to clap on the backbeat along with the blues and music like it? Does musical training or practice correlate with knowledge of the backbeat clapping convention? Hypothesis Clapping on the backbeat of dance-oriented 4/4 rhythms strongly correlates with musical training and experience in music of the African diaspora: jazz, rock, blues, funk, R&B, hip-hop and related styles. Clapping on the backbeat correlates weakly with training and experience in other musical idioms.
  • 4. Musical and rhythmic behavior in humans creates “a temporal framework, collective emotionality, a feeling of shared experience, and cohesiveness to group activities and ritualistic ceremonies” (Bispham 2006). We see a shadow of music’s ancestral purpose when an audience claps in unison at a concert. We use coordinated rhythmic movements both for literal physical mirroring and for metaphorical mirroring, i.e. empathy. This socially mediated synchronization explains why it matters to musicians which beats the audience claps on. Taj Mahal found it distressing when his audience clapped wrong because it felt like a failure to emotionally connect with them. Group clapping helps to unify the audience’s perception of the tactus, the central pulse. Bodily movement does not merely accompany listening; it enhances our ability to listen.
  • 5. Syncopation is a crucial method of generating rhythmic suspense and drama. We can consider rhythms to be “consonant” and “dissonant” depending on their degree of metrical tension. Temperley (2010) defines syncopation as rhythmic events that are improbable by the norms of classical common-practice rhythm. Syncopation violates the usual rhythmic hierarchy, and "represents the aspect of rhythmic complexity that does not relate to repetitiveness.” By this measure, current popular music is extraordinarily rhythmically complex, even though it may be simple harmonically and structurally (Temperley 1999). We can determine the “metric salience” of each event in a rhythmic pattern by “recursively breaking down a musical pattern (with an initially specified length) into subpatterns of equal length.” The more subdivisions it takes to reach a given event, the lower its metrical salience. In 4/4 time, the downbeat is the most salient position, followed by beat three. It would seem natural to clap on the strongest, most salient beat—indeed, this is what many untrained listeners do. However, the Afro-Caribbean core of American popular/vernacular music asks us to accent the less metrically salient backbeats instead.
  • 6. Background on the backbeat A backbeat rhythm places percussive accents on the weak beats, typically the second and fourth beats in 4/4 time. Accented backbeats are most commonly played on the snare drum, but can be performed on any instrument. The backbeat originated in Dixieland jazz, country and gospel music. It has since become ubiquitous throughout American and global popular music. While accenting weak beats was a common device in American popular music throughout the first half of the twentieth century, the term “backbeat” did not enter common usage until the advent of rock and roll in the early 1950s—appropriately enough, since the backbeat is a foundational component of rock.
  • 7. The dominance of the backbeat is a significant factor in the broader Africanization of American music. You can hear the vestiges of traditional West African music that survived slavery in the percussion-heavy, improvisationally oriented and shouted/chanted music on every pop radio station. Generally speaking, African music is rhythmically complex and harmonically static, a neat inverse of Europe’s harmonically rich but rhythmically unsophisticated tradition. American musical history is largely shaped by the collision between these two musical cultures, along with contributions from immigrant groups and international influences.
  • 8. In spite of the backbeat's popularity, it is widely misunderstood. The tangled history of America’s racial and class politics may provide an explanation. The backbeat originated in the music of marginalized groups: African-Americans, poor rural whites, and immigrants. Their music styles have been regarded throughout their history to be disreputable, low-class, primitive and barbaric, even perceived as undermining the moral fabric of society entirely. Funk in particular threatens Americans’ more puritanical instincts, due to its associations with bodily functions and sexual odors. Terms of praise among funk musicians include dirty, filthy, raw, stanky and nasty. These bodily metaphors are intrinsic to funk’s appeal, particularly its ability to inspire audience participation and dancing, but a great many Americans find them anxiety-producing, even threatening. Furthermore, funk’s overt Afrocentrism provokes racial anxieties that have only been heightened by hip-hop. The jazz drummer Max Roach is quoted by Greenwald (2002): "The thing that frightened people about hip-hop was that they heard rhythm—rhythm for rhythm's sake."
  • 9. As long as Americans devalue the bodily intelligence represented by the backbeat, they will naturally continue to misunderstand and demean it. McClary (1989) argues that it requires greater skill and musicality to produce the groove in a dance-oriented Earth, Wind & Fire song than to generate “the self-denying, ‘difficult’ rhythms" in modern classical music. "One need only observe professional classical performers attempting to capture anything approaching ‘swing’ (forget about funk!) to appreciate how truly difficult this apparently immediate music is.” We may hope that backbeat- based dance music will continue to find the acceptance and understanding that has thus far failed to match its popularity.
  • 10. Procedure Participants filled out questionnaires asking them to self-evaluate their degree of sophistication with African diasporic music and music generally. They then clapped to a series of breakbeats representative of contemporary dance music. The beats were looped continuously in Ableton Live 8. Participants were told to clap along in whatever way they felt to make the most musical sense. Their performances were recorded via a Macbook Pro’s built-in microphone into Live. The experimenter stopped recording when the participant was observed to be clapping in a stable pattern. The drum loops were presented in a mostly random order, with exception of the the most complex break. This was presented last, out of concern that participants would be discouraged by it.
  • 11. Methodology The twenty-two study participants were New York City residents between twenty and forty years old, spanning a broad variety of nationalities and cultural backgrounds. Most had formal musical experience and training, some up to the professional level, but effort was made to include non-musicians as well. The stimuli were breakbeats chosen on the basis of their familiarity to even casual listeners of contemporary backbeat-driven African diasporic music. All are in 4/4 time at medium to fast dance tempi. Their instrumentation is limited to standard drum kit, except for “Take Me to the Mardi Gras,” which adds bells and found sounds. The breakbeats are listed below in order of increasing complexity.
  • 12. Billie Jean This breakbeat consists of the opening measures of a prominent single from one of the most popular recordings in history, Michael Jackson's 1982 album Thriller. Leon "Ndugu" Chancler's simple, powerful drumming combines with an unusual drum recording technique to produce an instantly recognizable sound. Nearly all participants identified the source of this beat immediately.
  • 13. Impeach the President This two-bar drum pattern opens a little-known 1973 song by the Honey Drippers. Despite the source recording’s obscurity, the breakbeat is one of the most common samples in hip-hop. It has appeared in songs by Audio Two, Eric B. and Rakim, Big Daddy Kane, Biz Markie, Slick Rick, Nice & Smooth, De La Soul, Mary J. Blige, Digable Planets, Notorious B.I.G. and the Wu-Tang Clan, among many others.
  • 14. Take Me to the Mardi Gras The opening to Bob James’ 1975 instrumental version of Paul Simon's song "Take Me to the Mardi Gras" combines a funk beat, an agogô bell pattern and some sampled radio chatter. This break is best known as the basis for "Peter Piper" by Run-DMC, and has also been sampled by LL Cool J, the Beastie Boys, Missy Elliott, Common and the Wu-Tang Clan. It is distinctive in its blend of traditional Afro-Caribbean rhythm, American funk and musique concréte.
  • 15. The Funky Drummer "The Funky Drummer Parts One and Two" by James Brown and the JBs, recorded in 1969, was not well known until the first generation of hip-hop producers discovered Clyde Stubblefield's drum break. In 1986, Polydor released In The Jungle Groove, a compilation featuring the hard-edged, open-ended grooves preferred by hip-hop listeners. It was the first album release of "The Funky Drummer Parts One and Two‚" and also included a sampling-friendly remix of the break, "Funky Drummer (Bonus Beat Reprise)." The break has since appeared in uncountably many hip-hop, dance, pop and rock songs.
  • 16. Amen, Brother There are few sounds more important to electronic dance music than Gregory Cylvester Coleman's drum break in "Amen Brother" by the Winstons, an obscure B-side to the minor hit "Color Him Father." Since the Amen break began to appear in hip-hop songs in the early 1980s, it has become ubiquitous throughout all styles of electronic dance music. In particular, the beats in the Drum n Bass genre consist almost entirely of reshuffled and altered versions of the Amen break. The break has crossed over into the popular mainstream as well, even appearing in television theme songs and commercials.
  • 17. The questionnaires were adapted from Müllensiefen, D., Gingras, B., Stewart, L. & Musil, J. (2011). The Goldsmiths Musical Sophistication Index (Gold-MSI): Technical Report and Documentation v0.9. London: Goldsmiths, University of London. Unless otherwise specified, question response choices were: 1. Completely Disagree 2. Strongly Disagree 3. Disagree 4. Neither Agree nor Disagree 5. Agree 6. Strongly Agree 7. Completely Agree For the purposes of the questionnaire, African diasporic music includes but is not limited to the following genres and their subgenres. • Blues • Gospel (spirituals) • Jazz (ragtime, swing, bebop, free/avant-garde, fusion, Latin, bossa) • Country (bluegrass, zydeco) • R&B (doo-wop, soul, funk, disco) • Rock (rockabilly, punk, indie, metal) • Afro-Caribbean (son, rumba, salsa and merengue, calypso, soca, etc.) • Reggae (ska, dub, dancehall) • Electronic dance music (electro, house, techno, drum n bass, dubstep, etc.) • Hip-Hop
  • 18. 1. I often listen to African diasporic music as a main activity. 2. I consider one or more forms of African diasporic music to be a central part of my identity. 3. Certain pieces of African diasporic music can send shivers down my spine. 4. I use African diasporic music to calm myself when I'm stressed. 5. I'm intrigued by musical styles I'm not familiar with and want to find out more. 6. I generally tap or clap along when listening to African diasporic music. 7. I think that African diasporic music is very important for setting the atmosphere of an occasion. 8. I can compare and discuss differences between two performances or versions of the same piece of African diasporic music. 9. I can clap along to music in a group situation without having to follow other people's lead. 10. I have been complimented for my talents as a musical performer in one or more African diasporic styles. 11. I can tell when people sing or play out of time with the beat. 12. The ability to play African diasporic music is a very valuable skill. 13. I have no difficulty in distinguishing between African diasporic musical genres. 14. African diasporic music is an addiction for me - I couldn't live without it. a. 0 b. 1 c. 2 d. 3 e. 4 – 5 f. 6 – 9 g. 10 or more a. 0 b. ½ c. 1 d. 2 e. 3 – 5 f. 6 – 9 g. 10 or more a. 0 - 15 minutes b. 15 - 30 minutes c. 30 - 60 minutes d. 60 - 90 minutes e. 2 hours f. 2 - 3 hours g. 4 hours or more a. 0 b. 1 c. 2 d. 3 e. 4 – 6 f. 7 – 10 g. 11 or more African Diasporic Musical Sophistication Assessment 15. I often read or search the internet for things related to African diasporic music. 16. I often pick particular African diasporic music to motivate or excite me. 17. I have engaged in regular daily practice of African diasporic music on an instrument or vocally for this many years: 18. I have had formal training in an African diasporic style on any instrument (including voice) for this many years: 19. I listen attentively to African diasporic music for this amount of time per day: 20. I have attended this many live African diasporic music events as an audience member in the past twelve months:
  • 19. General Musical Sophistication Assessment 1. I often listen to any kind of music as a main activity. 2. I consider one or more forms of any kind of music to be a central part of my identity. 3. Certain pieces of music can send shivers down my spine. 4. I use any kind of music to calm myself when I'm stressed. 5. If I hear two tones played one after another, I have no trouble judging which of them is higher. 6. I generally tap or clap along when listening to any music with a beat. 7. I think that music in general is very important for setting the atmosphere of an occasion. 8. I can compare and discuss differences between two performances or versions of the same piece of any kind of music. 9. I can sing or play music from memory. 10. I have been complimented for my talents as a musical performer in any style. 11. I can tell when people sing or play out of tune. 12. The ability to play any kind of music is a very valuable skill. 13. I have no difficulty in distinguishing between musical genres. 14. Music of any kind is an addiction for me - I couldn't live without it. 15. I often read or search the internet for things related to any kind of music. 16. I often pick particular music to motivate or excite me. 17. I have engaged in regular daily practice of any kind of music on an instrument or vocally for this many years: 18. I have had formal training in any style of music on any instrument (including voice) for this many years: 19. I listen attentively to any kind of music for this amount of time per day: 20. I have attended this many live music events of any kind as an audience member in the past twelve months: a. 0 b. 1 c. 2 d. 3 e. 4 – 5 f. 6 – 9 g. 10 or more a. 0 b. ½ c. 1 d. 2 e. 3 – 5 f. 6 – 9 g. 10 or more a. 0 - 15 minutes b. 15 - 30 minutes c. 30 - 60 minutes d. 60 - 90 minutes e. 2 hours f. 2 - 3 hours g. 4 hours or more a. 0 b. 1 c. 2 d. 3 e. 4 – 6 f. 7 – 10 g. 11 or more
  • 20. Results This image shows Take Me to the Mardi Gras and the first few recorded responses. The top waveform is the stimulus. The tracks below show three participants clapping on the backbeats, followed by one clapping on the strong beats.
  • 21. Most participants interpreted the instructions to mean that they should simply clap to the beat. A minority used more expressive and complex clapping patterns, or settled into haphazard and idiosyncratic patterns. Two participants’ results were not used, as their clapping did not ever settle into distinguishable patterns. The following five figures display aggregate clapping results for each stimulus. The vertical axes show total number of claps recorded across all participants. The Funky Drummer 0! 2! 4! 6! 8! 10! 12! 14! 16! 18! 20! 1 + 2 + 3 + 4 +
  • 22. Impeach the President 0! 2! 4! 6! 8! 10! 12! 14! 16! 18! 1 + 2 + 3 + 4 + 0! 2! 4! 6! 8! 10! 12! 14! 16! 18! 20! 1 + 2 + 3 + 4 + Take Me to the Mardi Gras The majority of participants clapped consistently on the backbeats. Contrary to expectation, the beat to receive the next most claps was not the downbeat; rather, beat three received slightly more claps. This may indicate a slight preference for the “hyper-backbeat,” considering a measure to be two bars of four.
  • 23. Amen, Brother 0! 2! 4! 6! 8! 10! 12! 14! 16! 1 + 2 + 3 + 4 + As expected, the Amen break produced the most variation in clapping patterns, since its high degree of syncopation tended to throw participants off. Surprisingly, of the remaining stimuli, Billie Jean showed the most variation in responses, in spite of its simplicity. Several participants reported being distracted by the recording’s familiarity; they said that they were waiting for the bassline and synthesizer stabs to enter, and were attempting to clap to those other patterns. Billie Jean 0! 2! 4! 6! 8! 10! 12! 14! 16! 18! 1 + 2 + 3 + 4 +
  • 24. Subject number African diasporic musical sophistication score General musical sophistication score Ratio of African diasporic to general sophistication scores Backbeat clapping score 7593 107 95 1.13 5 2423 105 99 1.06 10 3926 110 105 1.05 10 2524 58 57 1.02 10 6147 68 67 1.01 8 7767 77 76 1.01 6 2415 104 103 1.01 7 7098 105 107 0.98 10 849 89 92 0.97 9 7155 55 57 0.96 1 285 107 112 0.96 10 2683 106 111 0.95 3 5094 96 101 0.95 10 2982 100 107 0.93 10 675 105 117 0.90 10 4378 86 96 0.90 10 9876 87 99 0.88 6 5406 87 115 0.76 8 2630 49 95 0.52 1 5769 37 90 0.41 3 Mean 86.90 95.05 0.92 7.35 Standard Deviation 22.33 17.80 0.17 3.20 This table shows participants’ musical sophistication and backbeat clapping scores. We expected participants with the largest ratio of African diasporic to general musical sophistication to have the highest backbeat clapping scores. This was indeed largely the case, though there was more variation than expected.
  • 25. Subject number Ratio of African diasporic musical sophistication score to backbeat clapping score Ratio of general musical sophistication score to backbeat clapping score 7593 21.40 19.00 2423 10.50 9.90 3926 11.00 10.50 2524 5.80 5.70 6147 8.50 8.38 7767 12.83 12.67 2415 14.86 14.71 7098 10.50 10.70 849 9.89 10.22 7155 55.00 57.00 285 10.70 11.20 2683 35.33 37.00 5094 9.60 10.10 2982 10.00 10.70 675 10.50 11.70 4378 8.60 9.60 9876 14.50 16.50 5406 10.88 14.38 2630 49.00 95.00 5769 12.33 30.00 Mean 16.59 20.25 Standard Deviation 13.64 21.35 A comparison of participants’ musical sophistication scores to their backbeat clapping scores shows significant variation from the mean. The “noisiness” of the results is most likely the result of the questionnaires’ intrinsic subjectivity.
  • 26. African Diasporic Music Sophistication Score vs Backbeat Clapping Score General Music Sophistication Score vs Backbeat Clapping Score 0! 1! 2! 3! 4! 5! 6! 7! 8! 9! 10! 0! 20! 40! 60! 80! 100! 120! 140! Backbeatclappingscores! Musical sophistication scores! A graph showing lines of best fit through scatter plots of the compared musical sophistication and backbeat clapping scores reveals an unambiguous positive correlation between both African diasporic and general musical sophistication scores and backbeat clapping scores. Furthermore, as expected, the correlation is stronger for African diasporic musical sophistication than for general musical sophistication.
  • 27. Discussion Three participants gave particularly interesting results. Subject 2524 self-reported the lowest general musical aptitude of any participant, yet clapped consistently and strongly on the backbeat in all five trials. In an informal discussion after the experiment had concluded, she described her upbringing in a black church in Brooklyn. In this context, she experienced the backbeat as the only “natural” place to clap. She expressed surprise upon learning that clapping on strong beats is quite common. Indeed, in the course of the conversation, she consistently used the term “off beat” to refer to beats one and three, which, while technically incorrect, is a testament to the depth of her internalization of the backbeat tradition. On the opposite side of the spectrum, subject 2630 clapped clearly and confidently on the strong beats in all five trials, the only participant to do so. Tellingly, her ratio of African diasporic to general musical sophistication was the second lowest of any participant. Even though her general musical sophistication score was almost precisely equal to the median, her African diasporic sophistication score was among the lowest of all participants. In a conversation after the experiment, the participant described her most significant participatory music experience, childhood piano lessons in the western classical music idiom.
  • 28. Finally, subject 5769 was an interesting outlier. He is an accomplished tabla player in the Hindustani classical tradition, but he has had little exposure to Western music, and is almost totally unfamiliar with African diasporic music. He was the only participant to have encountered all five breakbeats for the first time during the experiment, and his clapping choices were totally idiosyncratic: • Billie Jean: “and” of two, “and” of four, i.e. the backbeats displaced half a beat. • Impeach the President: “and” of two, “and” of three. • Take Me to the Mardi Gras: a complex sixteenth-note pattern. • The Funky Drummer: “and” of three, four, “and” of four. • Amen, Brother: another complex sixteenth-note pattern. It would be a fascinating exercise to record him improvising on the tabla in reaction to these and other breakbeats. In addition to its musicological value, it would likely make an enjoyable work of art.
  • 29. Problems and challenges The greatest limitation of the study lies in the method of quantifying musical sophistication. This study likely understates the difference between the ratio of African diasporic sophistication score to backbeat clapping score versus the ratio of general musical sophistication score to backbeat score. African diasporic music is a subset of music generally, not an oppositional category. As mentioned in the Results section, the noisiness of the data is likely caused by the participants’ subjective responses to the questionnaires. Reducing all of the intricate complexities of a person’s musical knowledge and experience to a single number is an inherently problematic undertaking. The Goldsmiths Musical Sophistication Index is as good a tool as one could ask for, but it still suffers from the vagaries of subjective self-evaluation. Respondents may overvalue or undervalue their abilities; they may use more or less stringent value scales to evaluate themselves; they may interpret questions and instructions in unexpected ways. The Goldsmiths survey seeks to compensate for these problems by asking a great many questions with as much precision of language as possible. However, the Goldsmiths survey’s thoroughness poses a problem of its own, since filling it out is quite time-consuming. The present experiment sacrifices a great deal of the Goldsmiths survey’s nuance in favor of a more manageably brief questionnaire.
  • 30. Directions for further research The experiment did not strictly compare clapping on the backbeat to clapping on the strong beats; rather, it compared both of these categories to clapping on every eighth note, or every quarter note, or some other combination of beats. It would perhaps have been better to instruct participants to clap out a steady beat, rather than allowing them to clap in whatever manner they chose. However, in the interest of including non-musicians, it was ultimately decided to keep the instructions open-ended. It would be interesting to see whether a study restricting participants to strong beats or backbeats only would strengthen or weaken the present study’s findings. Another intriguing line of research would be to test familiarity with other customary clapping patterns, for example Afro-Cuban son clave. While this pattern is not as familiar or ubiquitous as the backbeat, it is still a foundational motif throughout African diasporic music. However, because the pattern is more complex and subtle, it would likely be necessary to restrict test subjects to musicians in order to obtain meaningful results.
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